The system of social benefits provided by enterprises in Eastern
Europe is changing – more slowly than expected but still with
important consequences for the transition to a successful market
economy.
Under communism, enterprises provided a variety of social benefits to
employees on top of their wages. As the process of reform got underway,
everyone anticipated a rapid decline in these benefits as enterprises
were privatized and sought to become more efficient. But research
reported in a new CEPR volume suggests that while there has been a
modest decline in the benefits provided by firms, in many cases the
outcomes have looked more like stability than change.
What happens to these social benefits is an important issue.
Reallocating the responsibilities that state-owned enterprises had under
central planning impinges on some of the key challenges of the
transition: corporate restructuring; adapting labour markets; reforming
tax and social security systems; and maintaining the social consensus in
support of reform. And these challenges in turn are all essential parts
of East European countries’ preparations for accession to the European
Union.
The CEPR volume distinguishes two aspects of social protection in
Eastern Europe: social insurance and benefits in kind. The former
protects people from risk of income loss from retirement, unemployment,
sickness and disability. And as in most market economies, such
protection was and remains primarily the responsibility of government.
At the same time, it is often financed by mandatory contributions from
enterprises and, more recently, from employees themselves.
Under communism, there was one important form of social insurance
provided by enterprises: a significant degree of job security. Employees
were often retained and paid even if they were redundant. In effect,
they were protected against the risk of income loss on a preventive
basis rather than after the fact. This was obviously costly to
enterprises but it was never visible or properly measured and accounted
for.
As the reforms have proceeded in Eastern Europe, governments have
begun to consider transferring some of their social insurance
responsibilities to enterprises. But so far, such efforts have been
limited to redundancies. In Hungary, for example, enterprises have been
providing severance pay and contributing to early retirement pensions
for older dismissed employees. In effect, the old enterprise benefit of
job security is being transformed into a new benefit of redundancy
payments.
Like social protection, the actual range of benefits in kind under
central planning was not markedly different from that provided in market
economies. What was different was that enterprises were often the
principal providers, whereas in market economies they more typically
supplement state or private provision. In addition, benefits tended to
take the form of fixed assets, such as houses, schools or clinics,
rather than financial support, such as mortgage subsidies, scholarships
or health insurance.
Enterprises in the East still provide many services that in the West
are provided by local government, non-profit organizations or specialist
companies. The studies of individual countries in the CEPR volume
indicate that the same kinds of enterprise-provided social benefits
recur across the region. Cafeterias, health clinics, kindergartens and
crèches, recreation facilities, work clothing subsidies and housing are
all common.
While restructuring enterprises are tending to cut back on some of
their social and recreational services, the process so far has generally
been slow. Such service activities often require substantial physical
infrastructure, much of which remains from the old days. Though the
common trend in the transition is for enterprises to divest themselves
of these assets, there are many market and legal constraints on the
speed of this adjustment.
Meanwhile, governments still actively influence the scope and
magnitude of enterprise benefits. In Hungary for example, some benefits,
such as sick leave and travel subsidies for long distance commuters, are
mandated by government, while others, such as food and clothing
subsidies, are stimulated by incentives. Overall, the tendency is for
governments to move from mandates to incentives, and this is likely to
increase the variations across enterprises in the kinds and extent of
benefits they offer.
The type and size of an enterprise also seem to affect the benefits
it provides. For example, analysis of 200 enterprises in Poland reveals
a concentration of benefits in state-owned enterprises, somewhat lesser
amounts in privatized enterprises and much smaller benefits in new
private enterprises.
Nevertheless, ownership does not seem to be the decisive determinant
of how much enterprises spend on social benefits. The impact of benefits
on enterprise efficiency is by no means clear: obviously they can raise
costs significantly, but they can also be used to attract and retain
employees, enhancing productivity. Similarly, from the point of view of
labour supply, benefits may reduce mobility by making employees
reluctant to move. But they may also stimulate greater participation in
the labour force.
It is clear that the social protection provided by enterprises will
continue to change as the countries of Eastern Europe strive to become
functioning market economies. But it is important that provision is made
for those people most disadvantaged by the changes. The two objectives
are interdependent: without rapid and sustainable growth, Eastern Europe
will be unable to afford social protection whether it is provided by
governments or enterprises. But if the costs of reform are seen to be
too great or too inequitable, there is a risk that the social consensus
essential to successful transition will break down.