Sumitomo’s manipulation of the price of copper on the London Metal
Exchange has focused attention on the principle of self-regulation in
Britain’s financial markets. How can such anti-social activities be
prevented in future?
The London Metal Exchange (LME) is the world’s premier futures
market for non-ferrous metals. The LME Copper Settlement price is
effectively the world price for copper. As such, it should represent the
balance of supply and demand in a world market in which turnover for
1995 was nearly $34 billion.
But last year it emerged that the price of copper on the LME had been
systematically manipulated over a period of at least six years, and
possibly from as early as 1985. The manipulation had been perpetrated by
Mr Yasuo Hamanaka, the chief copper trader at Japan’s Sumitomo
Corporation. His activities had resulted in substantial departures of
the LME price from fundamental values, particularly in the closing
months of 1995 and at the beginning of 1996.
These revelations prompted the Securities and Investment Board (SIB),
regulatory overseer of all London’s financial markets, to undertake a
major review of the functioning of the LME, which was published in
December 1996. At the same time, Christopher Gilbert, one of Britain’s
leading experts on commodity futures markets, completed the first
independent study of their regulation in Britain and how market
manipulation can be prevented in future.
Gilbert’s analysis begins by noting that futures manipulation is
the activity of ‘cornering’ or ‘squeezing’ a futures market. It
typically involves exploiting features of the market, in particular the
delivery provisions of futures contracts, to create an element of
monopoly power. This then allows the manipulator to raise prices to his
or her advantage.
Manipulation is regarded as anti-social (and is generally made
illegal) because it distorts market prices causing them to depart from
their fundamental values. This reduces the benefits of using the futures
markets for hedging. Manipulators are parasites of futures markets: in
extracting monopoly profits from a thriving market, they sap the
strength of the host.
The 1986 Financial Services Act (FSA), under which the SIB regulates
Britain’s financial markets, fails to give explicit consideration to
futures manipulation. While the SIB deems futures manipulation illegal
under section 47 of the FSA, Gilbert suggests that the section is too
narrowly directed to sustain such a view. He points out that the
provisions are directed at equity market manipulations, such as concert
parties and fan clubs, and do not address the issue raised by futures
manipulations.
This is in contrast to the position in the US, where manipulation is
explicitly prohibited under the Commodity Exchange Act. The implication
is that the FSA should be amended to make illegal any exercise of
monopoly power in futures markets that has the effect of generating
artificial off-exchange prices.
At the same time, US experience indicates that it is very difficult
to bring successful prosecutions for futures manipulations. The emphasis
should therefore be on prevention rather than prosecution. Successful
manipulations require secrecy and are more difficult the more
transparent is the market. The key tool for enhancing transparency is
client position reporting, which currently exists only on a voluntary
basis on the LME. Gilbert argues that this should be put onto a
statutory basis; it should also be extended to include metal in LME
warehouses and to other London futures markets.
Greater transparency is the best deterrent to manipulation.
Publication of aggregated position information can act as a significant
impediment to manipulation, since market participants can act early to
close out positions when they see evidence of the emergence of a
potentially manipulative situation.
Gilbert also argues that the SIB should introduce a new reporting
system based on the US Commodity Futures Trading Commission’s
Commitments of Traders in Futures system. Reporting should cover both
futures and options positions, augmented by summary statistics showing
concentration of open interest. Reporting should also cover stocks in
LME warehouses.
The LME differs in a number of respects from standard futures
markets. These differences arise from the LME’s traditionally close
links with the metals industry, which are a significant source of
strength for the exchange. Some of these differences, in particular
non-cash clearing and the use of ‘historic price carries’, are in
Gilbert’s view unwise and impose additional risks on LME members, but
they do not raise regulatory concerns.
Another important difference between the LME and standard futures
markets is the use of day-of-delivery rather than month-of-delivery
contracts. If manipulation takes place in a regular month-of-delivery
market, this typically affects only the delivery contract, and not the
nearbys, which are used as a pricing basis for off-exchange