Articles 85 and 86 of the Treaty of Rome set out the basic principles
for creating a competitive economic environment within the EU. But the
Commission’s Annual Reports on Competition Policy display a broad,
even bewildering, set of objectives, and its priorities have shifted
considerably over the 40 years since then. A new CEPR study examines how
far modern economic analysis can clarify the aims of public intervention
in the process of competition among firms and explores the various means
of achieving those aims.
In Trawling for Minnows: European Competition Policy and
Agreements Between Firms, Damien Neven, Pénélope Papandropoulos
and Paul Seabright provide a comprehensive review of EU policy towards
agreements between firms. They use three distinct approaches: first,
they consider what the literature in industrial economics has to say
about the effects of such agreements on competition - and about the
consequent rationale for public intervention.
Second, they examine the legal framework and the decisions of the
Commission and the European Court over the past decade, asking to what
extent these are consistent with the recommendations that emerge from
the economics literature. Third, they look at the procedures of the
Commission and the way it undertakes investigations and reaches
decisions, in order to see to what extent these procedures represent an
appropriate means of implementing a defensible policy.
- The Commission’s definition of what constitutes a restriction of
competition is much too narrow. There are many instances where
agreements have been declared unlawful even though they have had
negligible effects on third parties.
- The Commission’s policy on cartels is broadly correct, but the
rules on evidence needed to convict firms should be relaxed.
- Joint venture agreements often create efficiency benefits. But the
exemptions for such agreements granted in the case law follow a
rigid legal structure and frequently fail to consider efficiency
benefits in any depth.
- Overall, the Commission’s procedures are slow and cumbersome.
They also combine high levels of discretion with very little
transparency. Recent attempts to speed up these procedures have led
to even less transparency and more intensive lobbying. The
Commission should consider many fewer cases, but using explicit,
published criteria.
- Reforms are urgently needed: the proposals in the recent Green
Paper are far too timid and the Commission must go much further.
Throughout the study, the authors emphasize the importance of clear
and predictable policy that does not give unnecessary discretion to
public officials. For example, they propose a new streamlined procedure
for the evaluation of ‘vertical agreements’ - agreements between
firms that produce complementary products.
The first step would evaluate whether in the case of full vertical
integration, the two firms would together possess substantial market
power for their combined final product. This hinges on the extent of
inter-brand competition: if it is sufficiently strong, the contrast
should be seen as legal unless it can be shown that the firms are likely
to exert more market power without vertical integration. If full
integration would lead to substantial market power, a further
investigation would take place, focusing on the impact on third parties
and asking whether consumers, competitors and potential entrants are
likely to be damaged by the contract.
Considering explicit or implicit ‘cartel’ agreements that are
concealed by the firms involved, the study finds that the Commission’s
practice has a great deal to recommend it. In particular, the Commission
and the Court seem, rightly, to look with tolerance on implicit
agreements between firms that do not involve explicit coordination.
Nevertheless, a particular concern arises because of the requirements
imposed by the Court on the material evidence needed to convict firms.
Such requirements seem excessive in the light of the small cost that
wrongful conviction may entail in this area. They also explain the
apparent lack of deterrent effect that the current policy has on
cartels.
In examining joint venture agreements (which account for a large
proportion of ‘horizontal’ cases), the authors suggest that these
should first be compared with the benchmark case of full integration of
the activities of the parents. If a merger of these activities would be
allowed, then a joint venture should also be allowed. Conversely, if a
merger would not be allowed, then there should be a presumption that the
joint venture also involves serious restrictions of competition.
In those circumstances, the authors argue, the joint venture should
be declared illegal unless it can be shown that the parents are unlikely
to be able to use it as a coordination mechanism. Two conditions are
essential for this assessment: the extent to which the joint venture can
appropriate the benefits from the pricing decisions of the parents; and
the extent to which the parents will be able to capture the average
profit made by the joint venture.
Of course, joint venture agreements can create efficiency benefits,
which may entitle them to exemptions under Article 85. But current
procedures for evaluating these benefits are unnecessarily narrow and
formalistic, and the authors propose alternative criteria for assessing
joint ventures, comparing them to equivalent mergers and balancing their
risk to competition against their potential benefits.
The study examines the Commission’s procedures on the basis of a
survey of firms that have undergone Commission investigation. It finds
that in many crucial areas, the Commission enjoys high levels of
discretion with very little transparency. What is more, its procedures
are often slow and cumbersome, and unfortunately, many of the reforms
that have sought to speed them up have done so at the expense of even
such little transparency as already exists. This is particularly evident
in the increasing proportion of cases settled under purely informal
procedures, which in turn creates inducements for lobbying.
In an econometric analysis of the determinants of lobbying behaviour
by firms, the authors find that firms are more likely to lobby senior
Commission officials in cases that appear ‘difficult’ or involve
high technology. Firm characteristics also determine lobbying behaviour,
with significant differences between nationalities. And lobbying is
significantly more intense in cases in the transport sector.
The study concludes by recommending reforms in the decision-making
criteria that would drastically reduce the number of cases needing to be
examined by the Commission. This would mean that the Commission could
examine the reduced number of remaining cases in a more transparent
manner. These changes could be implemented without changing the EU
treaty, but would require important changes in secondary legislation and
more than marginal changes in the Commission’s approach.
Such a sharp change in policy could be communicated through a set of
published guidelines that clearly laid out the principles of the
Commission’s intended new practice, and recognised officially a degree
of departure from some of the earlier case law. A set of published
guidelines would both help firms to predict the likelihood of their
agreements being found to infringe competition law, and provide the
Commission itself with an incentive for consistency in its application
of that law.