Openness to trade has long been seen as
an important element of sound economic policy – and trade
liberalization as a necessary step towards achieving it. At the same
time, continuing extreme poverty in developing countries is perhaps the
biggest blemish on the global economic canvas. A new Report examines how
our concerns about the latter should affect our attitude towards and
implementation of the former. It draws on economic analysis and
practical experience to construct a framework to analyse the complex
links between trade liberalization and poverty. And it shows
policy-makers how they can use the framework to identify the critical
features in their economies so they can ensure that the poor benefit
from liberalization.
In general, the Report argues, trade
liberalization is an ally in the fight against poverty: it tends to
increase average incomes, providing more resources with which to tackle
poverty. And while it will generally affect income distribution, it does
not appear to do so in a way that systematically worsens poverty.
Nevertheless, it is important to recognize that most trade reforms will
hurt someone, possibly pushing them into, or deeper into, poverty, and
that some reforms may increase overall poverty even while they boost
incomes in total. Thus, despite the general presumption in favour of
trade liberalization, there remain important public policy questions of
how to implement it in a way that maximizes its benefits for poverty
alleviation and what to do about any poverty that it does create or
exacerbate.
The Report contains a number of lessons
for policy-makers, both general in terms of the broad potential linkages
between trade liberalization and poverty, and specific in terms of the
linkages in relation to particular sectors and instruments of trade
policy:
• The weight of evidence suggests that
openness to trade is good for growth and that growth benefits the poor.
But to enjoy the full benefits of trade liberalization, it should be
accompanied by sound policies in areas such as transport and
communications infrastructure, market facilitation, competition,
education and governance.
• There are three broad pathways
through which trade liberalization can have a direct effect on poverty:
through its impact on the prices of liberalized goods, through its
impact on profits and hence on employment and wages, and through its
impact on the government’s fiscal position. The outcome depends on
whether the poor are net consumers or producers of liberalized goods,
what types of labour they supply, and where their wages lie relative to
the poverty line.
• Although it is possible to describe
the pathways through which each aspect of liberalization might affect
poverty, the impact of trade liberalization on poverty is very
country-specific. This means that policy-makers themselves will have to
identify which of these pathways are the most important in their
particular circumstances.
• The range of potential linkages
between trade liberalization and poverty is wide, but the most important
effects in any given country are likely to be relatively simple and
obvious. Hence policy-makers can develop suitable policy responses to
help the poor gain from trade liberalization.
• For many dimensions of trade
liberalization, the direct effects on poverty will be negligible. Where
they are not, the appropriate response is not to stop liberalizing but
to proceed while pursuing complementary policies to help the poor gain
from liberalization and to provide social protection to support those
who may lose. Trade-related compensation packages will not generally be
feasible or desirable in developing countries.
• Trade liberalization almost
inevitably involves adjustment costs, notably job losses in formerly
protected sectors. The best way to ease the pain of transition is to
protect social expenditure and ensure appropriate targeting of the poor,
offering a cushion without undermining their incentives to adjust.
• Trade liberalization can change the
nature of the risk and uncertainty that poor households face although
not always for the worse. It can also affect their ability to cope with
risk and uncertainty. Policies such as improving access to credit
markets can help a great deal here along with improvements in asset
distribution and in the flexibility of local labour markets.
• If the long-term benefits of the
trade liberalization are to reach the poor, households must be able to
respond by adjusting their supply of labour or their production of goods
and services. These supply responses will be influenced by where the
poor are located and by their demographic structure and their gender,
health status, education and assets. Complementary policies are likely
to be necessary in such areas as investment in infrastructure and the
development of markets for credit, agricultural inputs and services.
• In most countries, agriculture is the
key sector for poverty alleviation: despite rising urban poverty, the
poor are still predominantly rural, agriculture is their major source of
income, and farm incomes have large spillovers to others in the rural
economy. Moreover, food accounts for a major share of all poor people’s
expenditure. Liberalizing agricultural trade, both unilaterally and
multilaterally and by both developed and developing countries, has the
potential for considerable poverty alleviation, although particular
groups of poor people may suffer.
• Trade in manufactured goods still
faces significant barriers in developed countries (on products like
clothing and footwear) and to a greater extent in developing countries.
Liberalization will foster poverty alleviation by enhancing growth and
productivity and improving resource allocation. But the conditions have
to be in place for firms to respond to new threats and opportunities;
and, even so, some manufacturing jobs may be lost. Safety nets may be
necessary if alternative forms of employment are not rapidly available
for displaced workers.
• Trade liberalization in services
offers particularly promising – but largely neglected –
opportunities for poverty alleviation, especially if temporary movements
of relatively unskilled workers were to be allowed. Some service reforms
can aid the poor directly – for example, those in transport, health
and education, and others may increase unskilled employment – such as
tourism, or boost local efficiency and competitiveness – such as
financial services.
• The long-term effects of
strengthening protection for intellectual property rights are uncertain,
but in the short to medium term, although such moves may benefit some
middle-income countries, they will almost certainly hurt small and poor
economies.
• Specific interventions in
international trade such as export subsidies, anti-dumping duties and
local content requirements will rarely be to the advantage of the poor,
who have too little power to prevent the transfers from being captured
by other groups. Hence poverty concerns will rarely justify resisting
liberalization in those areas.
• Strengthening domestic labour or
environmental standards may help the poor, but linking higher standards
to trade agreements is much more likely to hurt them.
This article summarizes ‘Trade
Liberalization and Poverty: A Handbook’ by Neil McCulloch, L Alan
Winters and Xavier Cirera. McCulloch and Cirera are at the Institute of
Development Studies; Winters is at the University of Sussex and a
Research Fellow in CEPR’s International Trade programme. The research
was supported by the UK’s Department for International Development.