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What Determines Export Performance of OECD Countries?

There is a high and growing concern with the export performance of European industries due to increasingly fierce global competition. Yet the statistical basis of the relationship between relative costs and export market shares is still poorly understood. At a lunchtime meeting organized by the Centre for Economic Policy Research, Wendy Carlin and John Van Reenen pose two core questions:

How much do costs matter in explaining export performance in 12 key industries in the main fourteen OECD countries?

What determines the sensitivity with which exports react to cost changes?

The answers to these questions have implications for the functioning of European Monetary Union (EMU) and the design and scope of industrial policies. Carlin and Van Reenen conclude that the core EMU countries have less export sensitivity to costs than European non-EMU countries like the UK and Sweden. This helps provide an economic explanation of the reluctance of these countries to participate in monetary union where they can no longer use what for them may be the potent weapon of exchange rate changes.

There are ‘deep structural’ factors that have enabled countries to maintain their share of export markets and which are ignored when attention is focused solely on labour costs. Long-run success in export performance is dependent on factors such as a country’s education system and structure of corporate governance, which must be considered alongside conventional economic variables.

Although the usual focus on macro economic aggregates disguises this relationship, relative unit labour costs certainly do matter for exports. Over the longer-run a 10% improvement in costs (whether from wage restraint, productivity improvement or exchange rate devaluation) leads to a 2-3% improvement in export market share. Furthermore, technical progress as embodied in new investment also has an important role to play.

More surprisingly, even when technology and costs are netted out, some nations perform surprisingly well. West Germany, for example, managed to slightly increase market share between 1970-92, despite its costs rising nearly 1% per year faster than its competitors. Carlin and Van Reenen suggest that there are three factors that explain the ability of countries like Germany overcoming rising relative costs: high levels of schooling, rapid technological progress and strong ownership concentration.

A more educated work-force appears to enable a faster improvement in the quality of manufactured products. The export performance of individual industries appears to be boosted by improvements in efficiency in the broader business sector.

Finally committed owners would appear to confer an advantage on exporters – for example, through facilitating long-term relationships with suppliers.

Turning to the second question, sensitivity of exports to costs differed in predictable ways across industries. For example, in high-tech industries the elasticity is much lower. Yet despite the growth of high- tech industries, costs have become more important for determining exports over time for most industries. This is likely to be due to the hotting up of global competition: the industries with the biggest increases in cost sensitivity are also those which have faced the stiffest increases in global competition.

Relative costs really do matter. Recent work on economic growth has emphasised the importance of a range of structural and institutional factors. Similar forces are operative in determining long-run success in export performance with the consequence that factors such as the education system and corporate governance must be considered alongside conventional economic variables.

These underlying trends in export market shares could be disruptive inside a monetary union. A member country with poor underlying export trends would find it necessary to achieve a lower growth rate of unit labour costs than its neighbours. Although concerns have often been expressed about the ability of members to keep the growth of their unit labour costs in line with the inflation rate set by the ECB, the speakers suggest that the problem is a more serious one.

In conclusion, the authors find that the core EMU countries have less export sensitivity to costs than European non-EMU countries like the UK and Sweden. This helps provide an economic explanation of the reluctance of these countries to participate in monetary union where they can no longer use what for them may be the potent weapon of exchange rate changes.

Notes for Editors:

CEPR is a network of over 450 Research Fellows based throughout Europe, who collaborate through the Centre in research and its dissemination. CEPR helps its Research Fellows to develop projects, obtain their funding, administer them and disseminate their results. The Centre’s research ranges from open economy macroeconomics to trade policy, from the economic transformation of Central and Eastern Europe to regionalism in the world economy. The views expressed in the lunchtime meeting are the speakers’ own. CEPR takes no institutional policy positions. CEPR is an ESRC Resource Centre. For further information about CEPR, please contact Rita Gilbert, External Relations Manager, Tel: 44 20 7878 2917 or email: rgilbert@cepr.org

Wendy Carlin teaches in the Department of Economics at University College London and is a Research Associate in CEPR’s Economic Transformation in Eastern Europe programme.

John Van Reenen is at University College London and is a Research Affiliate in CEPR’s Industrial Organization programme.

 

‘Quantifying a Dangerous Obsession? Competitiveness and Export Performance in an OECD Panel of Industries’
Wendy Carlin, Andrew Glyn and John Van Reenen

Discussion Paper No. 1628

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