Politics, the `real world' of administrative feasibility and complex
social structures, pervasive bargaining led by interest groups - all
these are supposedly ignored when economists propose `optimal' policies.
But economists from Adam Smith onwards have seldom operated in an
institutional void. We are only too conscious of the abstractions in our
models and the constraints that make all economic policy into the
`economics of the second best'.
Symbolizing this is the 1993 Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences, which
honoured work on the economics of institutions and the institutional
framework of economics. And that is the theme of this issue of European
Economic Perspectives. The economics of subsidiarity deals with the
allocation of economic decision-making rather than of resources
themselves. Balancing market failure against government failure can give
some guidance to the political decisions that must determine how much
centralization there will be in European economic policies. One example
is the regulation of mergers in Europe, where the Community has had to
decide explicitly at what governmental levels mergers will be evaluated
and what institutional structures will implement policy.
Deciding where to put the European Monetary Institute may in
retrospect seem a minor issue in comparison with how this new
institution will act out the roles written very broadly for it in the
Maastricht script. Its choices as well as its independence and
credibility could have considerable economic implications. At a national
level, central bank independence does not offer a painless
`institutional fix' for deep-seated inflationary pressures, but
institutional changes judiciously adapted to national circumstances can
significantly improve the framework for monetary policy.
Some of the research underlying these analyses of economic
institutions is the `new political economy' to which several CEPR
Research Fellows have made important contributions; but work on topics
so diverse as public choice, `rent-seeking', spillovers and credibility
is all directly relevant. Economic change can provide the impetus for
institutional change, and new institutions can powerfully shape economic
events. Economics can illuminate these relationships, even if politics
will ultimately strike the balance between markets and institutions.
Richard Portes